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Hell on Earth (»ýÁö¿Á ºÏÇÑ)
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Hell on Earth »ýÁö¿Á ºÏÇÑ/The Economist

The West still turns a blind eye to the world's most brutal and systematic abuse of human rights à¤ÛÀ±¹°¡µéÀº ÀÌ ¼¼»ó¿¡¼­ °¡Àå ÀÜÀÎÇÏ°í Á¶Á÷ÀûÀÎ ÀαÇÀ¯¸°À» ¾ÆÁ÷±îÁöµµ ¿Ü¸éÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù

A SPRAWLING encampment of think-tankers, academics, hacks and policymakers earns a living outside North Korea¡¯s walls. They pick over its nuclear intentions and the prospects for the diplomatic dance known as the six-party process, which is meant to persuade North Korea to give up its nukes for cash and security guarantees. The encampment needs something to live on. Since North Korea declared the six-party talks dead in the spring, scraps have been meagre. So the North¡¯s recent signals of a readiness to return to the forum, after talking to America first, come as a relief. This week a senior North Korean nuclear negotiator was on his way to America. The dance is starting up again, and the encampment is not short of views about what¡¯s in store.

ºÏÇÑÀ̶õ ³ª¶ó ¹Û¿¡¼­ ºÏÇÑ¿¡ °üÇÏ¿© ÀÔ¹æ¾Æ¸¦ Âö´Â °ÍÀ¸·Î ¹ä¸Ô°í »ç´Â ¿¬±¸±â°ü¿ø, Çа豳¼öµé, Á¤Ä¡³í°´µé, Á¤Ã¥ÀԾȰ¡µéÀÌ Á¡Á¡ ´õ ´Ã¾î³ª°í ÀÖ´Ù. ±×µéÀº ºÏÇÑÀÇ ú· ¾ß¸Á°ú 6ÀÚȸ´ãÀÇ Àü¸Á¿¡ °üÇÏ¿© ¸ÅÀÏ ÀÌ·¯ÄôÀú·¯Äô ¸»µéÀÌ ¸¹Àºµ¥, ±× 6ÀÚȸ´ãÀ̶õ °ÍÀÌ ³ú¹°Áö¿ø°ú üÀ纸Àå ¾à¼ÓÀ¸·Î ºÏÇÑÀÌ ÇÙÀ» Æ÷±âÇÏ°Ô²û À¯µµÇÏ°Ú´Ù´Â °ÍÀÌ´Ù. À̵éÀÌ °è¼Ó ¶°¹ö¸®·Á¸é ¹«¾ð°¡ °Ç´öÁö°¡ ÀÖ¾î¾ßÇϴµ¥, ÝÁÀÌ Áö³­ º½ 6ÀÚȸ´ã¿¡ ºÒÂüÇÏ°Ú´Ù°í ³»Áö¸¥ ÈÄ¿¡´Â º° °Ç´öÁö°¡ ¾ø¾ú´Ù. ±×·¡¼­ ÃÖ±Ù ÝÁÀÌ ¿ì¼± ¹Ì±¹°ú »óÀÇÇÑ ÈÄ 6ÀÚȸ´ã¿¡ ´Ù½Ã µ¹¾Æ¿Ã Áöµµ ¸ð¸£°Ú´Ù´Ï±î, ¶°¹ö¸± °Ç´öÁö°¡ ´Ù½Ã »ý±ä °Í °°´Ù. ±ÝÁÖ ÇÙÇù»óÀ» ´ã´çÇÑ ºÏÇÑ °íÀ§°ü¸®°¡ ¹Ì±¹À» ¹æ¹®ÇÑ´Ù. ±¤´ë ÃãÀº ´Ù½Ã ½ÃÀ۵ǰí ÀÔ¹æ¾ÆµéÀº ´Ù½Ã ÀÌ·¯ÄôÀú·¯Äô ¸»ÀÌ ¸¹À» °ÍÀÌ´Ù.

 Yet the focus on nukes comes at the cost of other things worth noting about North Korea. Human rights, for instance. In recent years the outlines of daily life, and the state¡¯s miserable part in it, have become plain. First came the horror stories told by refugees in China escaping the famine from 1995-98 that killed 600,000-1m people. A more detailed picture has since emerged from refugees now settled in South Korea, from aid-workers, diplomats and from satellite pictures which, among other things, map another form of encampment—the North¡¯s gulag.

 ÀÌ·¸°Ô ú·¿¡ °üÇؼ­¸¸ ¶°µé´Ùº¸¸é, ºÏÇÑ¿¡ ´ëÇÑ ú·ãý¹®Á¦°¡ ¹¯Çô¹ö¸°´Ù. ¹Ù·Î ºÏÇÑÀÇ Àαǹ®Á¦´Ù. Áö³­ ¸î ÇØ, ºÏÇÑÁֹεéÀÇ ÀÏ»ó»ýÈ°À̳ª ºÏÇÑÁ¤±ÇÀÇ °¡È¤ÇÑ Á¤Ã¥µéÀÌ ¸¹ÀÌ ºÐ¸íÇÏ°Ô µé¾î³µ´Ù. Á¦ÀÏ ¸ÕÀú ¾Ë·ÁÁø °ÍÀÌ Áß±¹À¸·Î Å»ºÏÇÑ ºÏÇѳ­¹Îµé·ÎºÎÅÍ, 1995-98³â »çÀÌ, ºÏÇÑ¿¡¼­´Â 60¸¸ ³»Áö 1¹é¸¸ ÁֹεéÀÌ ±¾¾îÁ×¾ú´Ù´Â »ç½ÇÀÌ´Ù. ±×¸®°ï ³²ÇÑ¿¡ Á¤ÂøÇÑ Å»ºÏÀÚµé, Áö¿øºÀ»çÀÚµé, ¿Ü±³°ü¸®µé·ÎºÎÅÍ, ¶Ç ÀΰøÀ§¼º »çÁøÀ¸·Î ´õ ÀÚ¼¼ÇÑ ºÏÇѽǻóÀÌ ¾Ë·ÁÁö°Ô µÇ¾ú´Ù. ±× Áß¿¡¼­ °¡Àå ²ûÂïÇÑ °ÍÀº ºÏÇÑÀÇ Á¤Ä¡¹ü¼ö¿ë¼Ò – Çö´ëÆÇ ±¼¶ó±×ÀÇ ÀΰøÀ§¼º »çÁøµéÀÌ Æ÷ÇԵǾî ÀÖ´Ù.

So long out of sight, out of mind. Yet the emerging picture is horrendous, especially for ordinary people in the lesser cities and hardscrabble northern provinces. Take a slice of daily life from the bulletin of a South Korean aid outfit, Good Friends. It is plausibly consistent if unverifiable. Around Wonsan city, more than 70% of residents survive on a corn porridge mixed with grass. In mountainous Kangwon province residents fear the biggest food shortage next spring since the ¡°Arduous March¡± (ie, the famine). Much of the trouble lies with a campaign, called the ¡°150-day battle¡±, just ended, to boost socialist production and turn North Korea into a ¡°powerful nation¡± by 2012. It took farmers away from their plots. ¡°We are being led to our deaths,¡± says one.

º¸Áö ¾ÊÀ¸¸é ±â¾ï¿¡¼­µµ »ç¶óÁø´Ù. ±×·¯³ª ÃÖ±Ù ÇϳªÇϳª µå·¯³ª´Â Áõ°Å¸¦ º¸¸é ÂüÀ¸·Î ²ûÂïÇÏ´Ù. ƯÈ÷ ÀÛÀº µµ½Ã¿¡ »ç´Â ÀϹÝÁֹεé°ú ÃÖºó°ïÃþÀÎ ºÏÇÑÀÇ ºÏºÎÁö¹æÀÌ ±×·¯ÇÏ´Ù. ³²ÇÑÀÇ ºÏÇÑÁö¿ø ¿£Áö¿ÀÀÎ ¡®ÁÁÀº ÀÌ¿ô¡¯ÀÇ ÀâÁö¿¡ ½Ç¸° ºÏÇÑÁֹεéÀÇ ÀÏ»ó»ýÈ°À» »ìÆ캸ÀÚ. ÀÌ·± ±â»çµéÀº ÁøÂ¥ »ç½ÇÀÎÁö °ÅÁþÀÎÁö °ËÁõÇÒ ¹æ¹ýÀº ¾øÁö¸¸, °è¼Ó µÇǪ¸®µÇ´Â °ÍÀ» º¸¸é »ç½ÇÀÓ¿¡ Ʋ¸²¾ø´Ù. ¿ø»ê ã¼ ºÎ±Ù¿¡¼­´Â Áֹεé 70ÇÁ·Î°¡ Ç®À» ¼¯Àº ¿Á¼ö¼ö Á×À¸·Î ¿¬¸íÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. °­¿øµµ »ê¾ÇÁö´ë ÁֹεéÀº, ¡®°í³­ÀÇ Ç౺ (¹Ù²ã ¸»ÇÏÀÚ¸é, ±¾¾îÁ×À¸¶ó´Â °­Á¦³ëµ¿)¡¯ ÀÌÈÄ, ³»³â º½¿¡ °¡Àå ½É°¢ÇÑ ½Ä·®³­ÀÌ ´ÚÃÄ ¿Ã °ÍÀ» °ÆÁ¤ÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. Á÷Á¢Àû ÀÌÀ¯´Â, ºÏÇÑÁ¤±ÇÀÌ 2012³âÀ» ¸ñÇ¥·Î ºÏÇÑÀ» »çȸÁÖÀÇ ¡®°­¼º´ë±¹¡¯À¸·Î ¸¸µé°Ú´Ù°í ¡®150ÀÏ ÀüÅõ¡¯¸¦ ¼±Æ÷ÇÏ°í ÁֹεéÀ» ºº¾Æ´ë´Â µ¥¿¡¼­ ±âÀÎÇÑ´Ù. ³óºÎµéÀÌ ³ó»ç¸¦ ÁþÁö ¸øÇÏ°Ô ÇÏ´Ï ±×µé¿¡°Ô¼­, ¡°¿ì¸° ´Ù Á×Àº ¸ñ¼û¡±À̶õ ¸»ÀÌ ³ª¿Ã ¼ö¹Û¿¡ ¾ø´Ù.

In South Pyongan province farmers organise patrols to prevent grain theft. One confronted three soldiers attempting to steal corn. When a police officer was called in, the soldiers attacked him. In South Hamgyong province the government has run out of fuel for heavy machinery so residents have to move heavy rocks by hand. In South Pyongan province housewives complain about being forced to make gloves for dam-workers, send meat to the army and collect scrap metal. In Chungjin city the construction office has been unable to feed its 550 employees for 16 months. The rate of absenteeism has reached a third. In a ¡°labour-exertion drive¡± ten policemen enforce attendance.

 Æò¾È³²µµ¿¡¼­´Â ÁֹεéÀÌ ½Ä·®µµµÏÀ» ¸·±â À§ÇÏ¿© ÀÚÀ§°æºñ´ë¸¦ ¸¸µé¾ú´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. ÇÑ ÁÖ¹ÎÀÌ ¿Á¼ö¼ö¸¦ ÈÉÄ¡·Á´ø ¼¼ ±ºÀε鿡°Ô ¸Â¼¹´Ù. »çȸ¾ÈÀü¿ø(°æÂû)ÀÌ µµÂøÇÏÀÚ ±ºÀεéÀº °æÂû°úµµ ½Î¿ü´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. ÇÔ°æ³²µµ¿¡¼­´Â ±â¸§ÀÌ ¶³¾îÁ®¼­ ÁßÀåºñ¸¦ ±¼¸®Áö ¸øÇÏ¿© ÁֹεéÀÌ ¸Ç¼ÕÀ¸·Î °Å´ëÇÑ ¹ÙÀ§µéÀ» ¿Å±ä´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. Æò¾È³²µµ¿¡¼­´Â °¡Á¤Áֺε鿡°Ô ´ï °ø»ç ³ëµ¿ÀÚµéÀÌ ÇÊ¿äÇÑ Àå°©À» ¸¸µé¶ó, ±º´ë¿¡ °í±â¸¦ ¹ÙÃĶó, ͯôÑÀ» �¾Æ¿À¶ó´Â Áö½ÃµéÀÌ ¶³¾îÁ³´Ù. ûÁø 㼿¡¼­´Â Áö³­ 16°³¿ù, 550¸í °ø»çÀå Àϲ۵鿡°Ô ¸ÔÀ» °ÍÀ» ÁÖÁö ¸øÇß´Ù. Àϲ۵é 3ºÐÁö 1ÀÌ ÀÏÇÏ·¯ ³ª¿ÀÁö ¸øÇÏ´Â ½ÇÁ¤ÀÌ´Ù. ÀÌ·¸°Ô Àϲ۵éÀÌ °ø»çÀå¿¡ ³ª¿ÀÁö ¸øÇϴϱî, ¡°³ëµ¿-µ¶Ãʴ롱¿¡¼­´Â ¿­ ¸íÀÇ °æÂûÀ» µ¿¿øÇÏ¿© Àϲ۵éÀÇ Ãâ±ÙÀ» °­¿äÇÑ´Ù°í ÇÑ´Ù.

Experts do not predict another famine. But swathes of the population are struggling. The chief coping mechanisms are the informal markets and trading networks that sprang up to cope with the famine and the breakdown of the state food-distribution system. Private markets provide perhaps half of the calories North Koreans consume, and four-fifths of household income.

 ¼ÒÀ§ ºÏÇÑÀü¹®°¡¶õ »ç¶÷µéÀº ºÏÇÑ¿¡¼­ Àü°ú °°Àº ´ë±â±ÙÀº ¾È ³¯ °ÍÀ¸·Î ¿¹»óÇÑ´Ù. ±×·¯³ª ´Ù¼öÀÇ ÁֹεéÀÌ ±â¾Æ·Î Çã´öÀÌ´Â °ÍÀº ºÐ¸íÇÏ´Ù. ±¹°¡¹è±ÞÁ¦°¡ ¿ÏÀüÈ÷ ¹«³ÊÁø »óȲ¿¡¼­ ÁֹεéÀº ¾Ï½ÃÀå°ú ¹°¹°±³È¯À¸·Î °£½ÅÈ÷ ¿¬¸íÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. ÀÌ·± Þç½ÃÀåÀ¸·Î ºÏÇÑÁֹεé Úâ Á¤µµ°¡ ÃÖ¼ÒÇÑÀÇ ½Ä·®À» ¸¶·ÃÇÏ°í, ÁֹΠ¼ÒµæÀÇ 5ºÐÁö 4°¡ Þç½ÃÀåÀ» ÅëÇؼ­ ÀÌ·ç¾îÁø´Ù.

The black markets are a response to state failure. Yet since 2005 the regime has cracked down on them. A groundbreaking report* this month for the East-West Centre in Hawaii, by Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland, emphasises the central role the penal system has played in this. There are now many more labour camps for lower-level offences, including black-market activity, petty theft and even wandering the country in search of food. The new camps, with sentences typically under two years, have been grafted on to a system of longer-term penitentiaries. The most notorious of these are the concentration camps for ¡°political¡± criminals. It is known that the state ranks the population by its loyalty to the dictator, Kim Jong Il, and about half are ¡°wavering¡±. Some 150,000-200,000 political criminals (including whole families branded as counter-revolutionaries) are reckoned to be incarcerated in five huge camps. Many do not come out alive.

ÀÌ ¾Ï½ÃÀåµéÀº ±¹°¡°¡ Àǹ«¸¦ Àú¹ö·È±â ¶§¹®¿¡ »ý±ä °ÍÀε¥µµ, 2005³â ÀÌÈÄ ºÏÁ¤±ÇÀº ÀÌ·± ¾Ï½ÃÀåµéÀ» ´Ü¼ÓÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. À̹ø ´Þ ÇÏ¿ÍÀÌÀÇ µ¿¼­¹®È­¼¾ÅÍ¿¡¼­ ½ºÆ¼ºì ÇØ°Åµå ¾¾¿Í ¸¶Ä¿½º ³î·±µå ¾¾´Â ȹ±âÀûÀÎ ºÏÇÑ½Ç»ó º¸°í¼­¸¦ ¹ßÇ¥Çß´Ù. ºÏÇÑÀÇ °­Á¦³ëµ¿¼ö¿ë¼Ò°¡ ³ú¹°°æÁ¦ÀÇ Áß½ÉÀÌ µÇ¾ú´Ù´Â °ÍÀÌ´Ù. ºÏÇÑ¿¡¼­´Â Áö±Ý, ¾Ï½ÃÀå¿¡¼­ ¹°°ÇÀ» »ç°íÆÇ Áֹεé, °æ¹üµé, ½ÉÁö¾î´Â ¸ÔÀ» °ÍÀ» ã¾Æ ¶°µµ´Â Áֹεé±îÁö Àâ¾Æ°¡µÎ±â À§Çؼ­ ¼ö¸¹Àº °­Á¦¼ö¿ë¼Ò¸¦ »õ·Î Áö¾ú´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. º¸Åë 2³â ÀÌÇÏÀÇ Â¡¿ªÇüÀ» ¹ÞÀº Á˼öµéÀ» ¼ö¿ëÇÏ´Â ÀÌ ¼ö¿ë¼Òµéµµ ¾Ç¸í³ôÀº íþÑ¢ (Á×À½ÀÇ) Á¤Ä¡¹ü¼ö¿ë¼Òµé°ú Á¶Á÷ÀÌ ¿¬°èµÇ¾î ÀÖ´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. ºÏÇÑüÀç´Â ÁֹεéÀ», µ¶ÀçÀÚ ±èÁ¤ÀÏ¿¡ ´ëÇÑ Ã漺µµ¿¡ µû¶ó °èÃþÀ» °¥¶ó³õ´Âµ¥, ºÏÇÑÁÖ¹Îµé ¹Ý Á¤µµ°¡ ¡°¹Ýµ¿°¡´É °è±Þ wavering¡±¿¡ ¼ÓÇØÀÖ´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. ºÏÇÑ Á¤Ä¡¹ü¼ö¿ë¼Ò¿¡´Â ¾à 15¸¸ ³»Áö 20¸¸ Á¤Ä¡¹üµéÀÌ ¼ö¿ëµÇ¾î Àִµ¥ (ÚãÇõ¸íºÐÀÚ·Î °£ÁÖµÈ Á˼ö´Â ¿Â °¡Á·ÀÌ ¼ö¿ë¼Ò¿¡ ²ø·Á¿È), À̵éÀº ÀÌ·± °Å´ëÇÑ ¼ö¿ë¼Ò 5°÷¿¡ ¼ö¿ëµÇ°í, ÀÌ Á˼öµéÀº °ÅÀÇ ¸ðµÎ°¡ »ì¾Æ³ª¿ÀÁö ¸øÇÑ´Ù.

Strikingly, former inmates of the lowest-level camps report witnessing as much brutality and deprivation as do those in the long-term camps, and sometimes more. Every one of those surveyed had witnessed forced starvation; three-quarters had seen executions; and half had seen death from torture or beatings. Arrest and sentencing are arbitrary. That helps maintain the regime, and, guess Mr Haggard and Mr Noland, gives those who run the penal system a tool for extortion. Market traders will pay bribes to be left alone. From nuclear top to black-market bottom, the state is one giant protection racket.

 ´õ¿í ³î¶ó¿î »ç½ÇÀº, ´Ü±â¼ö ¼ö¿ë¼Ò¿¡¼­ »ì¾Æ³ª¿Â °æ¹üµéÀÇ Áõ¾ð¿¡ µû¸£¸é, ÀÌ·± °æ¹üµéµµ Àå±â¼ö °­Á¦¼ö¿ë¼ÒÀÇ Á˼öµé°ú ¸¶Âù°¡Áö·Î, ¾î¶² ¶§´Â ´õ ½ÉÇÏ°Ô, °í¹®°ú À¯¸°À» ´çÇß´Ù°í ÇÑ´Ù. À̵éÀÇ Áõ¾ð¿¡ µû¸£¸é, ±×µéÀº °¤ÇôÀÖ´Â µ¿¾È, °­Á¦Àû ±¾ÁÖ¸²À» ´çÇßÀ¸¸é, Á˼öµé 4ºÐÁö 3ÀÌ °ø°³Ã³ÇüÀ» Á÷Á¢ ¸ñ°ÝÇß°í, Á˼öµé ¹Ý ÀÌ»óÀÌ, °í¹®°ú ±¸Å¸·Î Á˼ö°¡ Á×´Â °ÍÀ» ¸ñ°ÝÇß´Ù ÇÑ´Ù. ºÏÇÑ¿¡¼­ ÁֹεéÀÇ Ã¼Æ÷¿Í ÆÇ°áÀº üÀç ¸¶À½´ë·ÎÀÌ´Ù. ÇØ°Åµå ¾¾¿Í ³î·±µå ¾¾ÀÇ º¸°í¼­¿¡ µû¸£¸é, ºÏÇÑÁ¤±ÇÀº ÀÌ·± ½ÄÀ¸·Î üÀ縦 À¯ÁöÇÏ°í ÀÖÀ¸¸ç, ÀÌÁ¦´Â ÁֹεéÀÇ Ã¼Æ÷ ±¸±ÝÀÌ ³ú¹°À» °­¿äÇÏ´Â ¼ö´ÜÀ¸·Î ¾Ç¿ëµÇ°í ÀÖ´Ù´Â °ÍÀÌ´Ù. ¾Ï½ÃÀå¿¡¼­ Àå»çÇÏ´Â Áֹε鵵 »ì¾Æ³²±â À§ÇÏ¿© ³ú¹°À» ¹ÙÄ£´Ù°í ÇÑ´Ù. ºÏÇÑÀº ÇÙ¹«Àå ÃÖ°íÀ§ÃþºÎÅÍ ¾Ï½ÃÀå ¹Ù´Ú±îÁö, ³ª¶ó°¡ ¿ÂÅë ºÒ¹ý ±øÆмöÅ»²Ûµé·Î °¡µæÂù °ÍÀÌ´Ù.

 Make North Korea virtuous. But not yet. ºÏÇÑÀ» µµ´öÀûÀ¸·Î ¸¸µéÀÚ°í? ¾ÆÁ÷Àº ´Ù Çê¼Ò¸®ÀÌ´Ù.

 At some point the West will need to address its shame of not facing up to the abuse sooner and more viscerally. In the meantime President Barack Obama hardly sent the right message by taking eight months to appoint his special representative for human rights in North Korea. Still, the question is what to do about the place. Regime change is out of the question. Moreover, China, which has the greatest leverage over its neighbour, prizes the regime¡¯s stability above even denuclearisation. South Korea officially espouses unification, but most citizens see the North as not just another country but another planet, one best left in its orbit.

 ¼­¹æ±¹°¡µéÀº ¾ðÁ¨°¡, ÀÌ·± Âü±ØÀ» ¿Ü¸éÇß´Ù´Â ¼öÄ¡¸¦ °¨´çÇØ¾ß ÇÒ ³¯ÀÌ, Á¶¸¸°£, ±×¸®°í ¾ÆÁÖ ½É°¢ÇÏ°Ô ´Ú¾Æ¿Ã °ÍÀÌ´Ù. »óȲÀÌ ÀÌ·¯Çѵ¥, ¹Ù¶ô ¿À¹Ù¸¶ ´ëÅë·ÉÀº ºÏÇÑÀÎ±Ç Æ¯»ç¸¦ ÀÓ¸íÇϴµ¥ ÀåÀå 8°³¿ùÀÌ °É·È´Ù. ºñ³­À» ¹Þ¾Æ ½ÎÁö¸¸, ½ÇÁ¦ÀûÀ¸·Î ÀÌ ºÏÇÑÀÇ ÀαÇÀ¯¸°»óȲ¿¡ ¿ì¸®°¡ ¾î¶»°Ô ´ëóÇØ¾ß Çϴ°¡¶õ ¹®Á¦´Â ±×´ë·Î ³²¾ÆÀÖ´Ù. ºÏÇÑ¿¡¼­ Á¤±Ç±³Ã¼´Â °¡¸ÁÀÌ ¾ø´Ù. ºÏÇÑ¿¡ °¡Àå Å« ¿µÇâ·ÂÀ» Çà»çÇÒ ¼ö ÀÖ´Ù´Â Áß°øÁ¤±ÇÀº, ºÏÇÑÀÇ ÇÙ¹«±â ÇØüº¸´Ù´Â ºÏÇÑÁ¤±ÇÀÇ Á¸¼ÓÀ» ´õ Áß¿äÇÏ°Ô »ý°¢ÇÏ°í ÀÖ´Ù. ³²ÇÑÁ¤ºÎµµ ÅëÀÏÀ» ¹Ù¶õ´Ù°í °ø½ÄÀûÀ¸·Î´Â ¸»ÇÏÁö¸¸, ³²Çѱ¹¹Îµé ´ë´Ù¼ö´Â ºÏÇÑÀ» ±×³É µý ³ª¶ó, µý Ç༺¿¡ »ç´Â »ç¶÷µé·Î »ý°¢Çϸ鼭, ºÏÇÑÀ» ÀÖ´Â ±×´ë·Î ³»¹ö·Á µÎ´Â °ÍÀÌ ÃÖ»óÃ¥À̶ó°í »ý°¢ÇÑ´Ù.

 Some of the techniques that helped undermine the Soviet Union could help in North Korea. More could be spent on radio broadcasts that offer another reality to the state-manufactured one. Loyalty to the regime could be undermined in subtler ways, such as offering apparatchiks and the elite education abroad. But the grim reality is that the nuclear dance preoccupies American chiefs, precluding an overdue appraisal of the horrors the North Korean state metes out to its people.

±¸ ¼Ò·ÃÀ» ¹«³Ê¶ß¸° ¹æ¹ýÀ» ºÏÇÑ¿¡µµ Àû¿ëÇÒ ¼ö ÀÖ´Ù. Á¤±ÇÀÇ ¼±Àü¼±µ¿¸¸ Ʋ¾î´ë´Â ºÏÇÑ ¶¥¿¡ ¹Ù±ù ¼Ò½Ä Áø½ÇÀ» ¾Ë¸®´Â ´ëºÏ¹æ¼ÛÀ» Áö¿øÇØ¾ß ÇÑ´Ù. ºÏÇÑÁ¤±Ç¿¡ Ã漺ÇÏ´Â ±â°ü¿øµé ¿¤¸®Æ®µé¿¡°Ôµµ ¹Ù±ù¼¼»óÀ» º¸¶ó°í À¯µµ ±³À°½ÃÄÑ¾ß ÇÑ´Ù. ±×·±µ¥ Áö±Ý µ¹¾Æ°¡´Â ÇѽÉÇÑ Çö½ÇÀº, ¹Ì±¹Á¤ºÎ °íÀ§Ãþ ±Ç·ÂÀÚµéÀÌ ú· Ã㸸 Ãâ »Ó, ºÏÇÑÁ¤±ÇÀÌ ÀÚ±¹¹Î¿¡°Ô ÀúÁö¸£´Â ¾ß¸¸Àû ÀαÇÀ¯¸°Àº ¸ø º» ü ÇÏ´Â °ÍÀÌ´Ù.

 
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